Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf: The IRGC’s Invincible General and Corruption

Iranwire – “Abdollah Ramezanzadeh, spokesperson for Mohammad Khatami’s government, urged journalists to ask about the reason for the arrest of the ‘Colonel’s’ brother back when he was the commander of the Law Enforcement Forces.”

“Among the forces supporting Ali Khamenei, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf is considered a more capable executive manager than others; it seems the Office of the Leader feels a constant need for him to execute their plans and projects.”

“By the order of Ali Khamenei, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf did not enter the 2009 presidential election and withdrew his candidacy in the 2017 election.”

“Despite his corruption scandals, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf has not been removed from the political sphere; rather, he maintains a powerful presence and enjoys the support of Ali Khamenei.”

“In the 1980s, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf was not among the prominent war commanders, which is why he lacked a serious presence in meetings with Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani or Ali Khamenei.”

“Under the command of Yahya Rahim Safavi, the situation changed, and he promoted Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Ahmad Kazemi, and Qasem Soleimani as top commanders of the Revolutionary Guard (IRGC) forces.”

“Morteza Alviri stated that 12 cases of serious violations in the Tehran Municipality were submitted to the judiciary, including files involving the wives of Qasem Soleimani and Mohammad Ali Jafari.”

“Internal conflicts within the IRGC led to the leak of an audio file of its commanders, but in the end, Ali Khamenei supported Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf.”

This report was published three years ago, while Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf was striving for the speakership of the 12th Parliament, a position he successfully secured. We are republishing this report today as he holds negotiations in Islamabad with JD Vance, the Vice President of the United States.

Despite the corruption of IRGC Brigadier General Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, he has not been removed from the political landscape and continues to be supported by Ali Khamenei. Is Ghalibaf on the path to presiding over the 12th term of the Islamic Consultative Assembly as well?

Brigadier General Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf has served as the Commander of the IRGC Air Force, the Commander-in-Chief of the Law Enforcement Forces of the Islamic Republic, the Mayor of Tehran for 12 years, and the Speaker of Parliament for four years.

Throughout all these years, even when the actions of him and his family did not trigger a public outcry, the financial corruption involving him and his associates was frequently raised by domestic media, political officials, and even in leaked audio recordings of military leaders. Yet, in the Iranian political climate, he has continued to survive as if “invincible” and untouchable, becoming one of the key figures of the Islamic Republic during the second half of Ali Khamenei’s rule.

Obedience is perhaps the primary reason for this immunity. By Khamenei’s order, he did not enter the 2009 presidential election. In the 2017 election, after a loud entry, he withdrew in favor of Ebrahim Raisi, and he did not enter the 2021 election at all, as Raisi was already considered the winner by public opinion.

The relationship between Khamenei and Ghalibaf took serious shape in the 1990s. Before that, Ghalibaf did not have a close relationship with Iran’s ruler. Among Khamenei’s supporters, he is seen as a more pragmatic executive manager, and his presence is deemed necessary for implementing the Leader’s projects.

The 1980s and Distant Relations

In the 1980s, Ghalibaf was not a prominent war commander, thus he lacked a significant presence in meetings with Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani or Khamenei. Consequently, his memories from that era are quite limited.

During the war, he commanded the “21st Imam Reza” Brigade and the “5th Nasr” Division. Under Khamenei’s leadership, however, he was promoted, notably being appointed as the commander of the IRGC’s “Khatam-al Anbiya” Construction Headquarters in 1994.

With Yahya Rahim Safavi taking command, the situation shifted; he elevated Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Ahmad Kazemi, and Qasem Soleimani as the commanders of the IRGC forces. Command of the Air Force created a new status for Ghalibaf, where he cultivated the image of a pilot and a modern leader. In 2000, Ahmad Kazemi succeeded him, and Ghalibaf moved to lead the Law Enforcement Forces (Police).

During this period, he attempted to present himself as a modern military man and an energetic commander. One notable event during Mohammad Khatami’s presidency was the IRGC’s prevention of the opening of Imam Khomeini International Airport by deploying three armed Land Cruisers on the runway. At that time, Ghalibaf was the Police Chief and Ahmad Kazemi was the IRGC Air Force Commander. However, Ahmad Khorram, the then minister, later told students that Ghalibaf was the operational commander who blocked the airport’s opening.

The Decline in the Final Days of the 2005 Election

In the 2005 election, Ghalibaf was initially considered Khamenei’s primary candidate. Reports surfaced about the presence of Mojtaba Khamenei and Hossein Taeb, then known as Meysam Taeb, in his campaign headquarters. However, in the final days, the tide turned in favor of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Mehdi Karroubi wrote in a letter that while Mojtaba Khamenei had been active for Ghalibaf, “[But] three days before the election, suddenly his star of fortune set, and favors were poured toward another person.”

After the first round, Ghalibaf met with Karroubi and Rafsanjani, reportedly asking them to withdraw so he could compete against Ahmadinejad in the second round. His argument was that only he could beat Ahmadinejad. During that same election, a corruption file regarding Ghalibaf’s tenure in the police was raised, but it did not persist in the public eye after the vote.

Post-election, while Ahmadinejad tried to install his own associates as Mayor of Tehran, the situation changed. With Khamenei’s direct support, Ghalibaf was chosen as mayor. In this way, while fully supporting Ahmadinejad, Khamenei managed to create a rival for him from within the Principlist camp. During Ghalibaf’s mayoral tenure, the IRGC’s presence in the municipality expanded significantly.

In 2009, Ghalibaf intended to run again, but Khamenei’s office told him not to. He ran in 2013, focusing his attacks on Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani.

Numerous Corruption Files

Despite scattered reports of corruption, the peak of these allegations surfaced in Hassan Rouhani’s debate remarks and later during Mohammad Ali Najafi’s tenure as mayor. In the 2017 election, Ghalibaf once again showed his obedience by stepping aside for Raisi.

Following Rouhani’s remarks, it was revealed that the 2005 case led back to major drug and fuel traffickers who had donated large sums to Ghalibaf’s campaign in a deal to save their leaders. Abdollah Ramezanzadeh, the reformist activist, tweeted, asking journalists to look into Ghalibaf’s supporters in Sistan and Baluchestan in 2005 and the reason his brother was arrested while Ghalibaf was Police Chief.

Cases involving “Bank Shahr,” the “Astronomical Properties” scandal, violations in the “Municipal Employees’ Reserve Fund,” and the spending of billions in municipal funds during presidential elections were among the files from his time as mayor.

Morteza Alviri also briefly mentioned the economic activities of Qasem Soleimani’s wife alongside Ghalibaf’s wife. He stated that 12 serious violation files were sent to the judiciary, including those involving the wives of Qasem Soleimani and Mohammad Ali Jafari, but no explanation was ever sought. These accusations were likely related to a charity run by Ghalibaf’s wife.

After a probe into the municipality was rejected by Parliament, Tehran MP Mahmoud Sadeghi revealed that the municipality had bribed the brother of an MP to vote against the investigation. It was later found that Hossein Mousavi, the brother of Yazd MP Abolfazl Mousavi Biouki, had received 9 billion tomans’ worth of “density” (construction permits) from the Tehran Municipality. In 2020, news of this former MP’s arrest on charges of taking a 65-billion-toman bribe from the municipality was published.

Amid this, internal IRGC conflicts led to the leak of an audio file featuring its commanders, yet Khamenei ultimately supported Ghalibaf. Hours after the Leader’s speech, Ghalibaf’s supporters attacked those who had called for an investigation into the audio file. Khamenei and other officials, including Hossein Shariatmadari and the IRGC spokesperson, remained silent on the role of Hossein Taeb and only defended Qasem Soleimani. None of these officials wished to mention Taeb’s name, as it has been frequently linked to Mojtaba Khamenei in recent years.

Ultimately, despite all these cases, Ghalibaf’s reward for withdrawing from the presidential race was the Speakership of Parliament.

Controversies During the Speakership

During his time as Speaker, several other controversies emerged, including the scandal regarding a fabricated story about a message for Vladimir Putin. Ghalibaf’s team initially announced a meeting with Putin, but later claimed it would not happen due to the Russian president’s health protocols. The Foreign Ministry later clarified that no such meeting had ever been scheduled.

Even Hossein Shariatmadari, Khamenei’s representative at Kayhan newspaper, spoke out against Ghalibaf, saying: “Mr. Ghalibaf’s trip to Russia is a working trip… transferring a message was not the main goal but was added later.”

The exposure of Ghalibaf’s family traveling to Turkey (Layettegate) was carried out by the so-called “Justice-Seeking” faction. Following that, leaked comments by Mehdi Taeb linked the incident to associates of Ebrahim Raisi and Meysam Nili, Raisi’s son-in-law’s brother. The latest controversy involved his son, Eshaq Ghalibaf’s, residency status in Canada.

Despite these files and controversies, Khamenei’s support for Ghalibaf continues. Obedience is the key to this support. Ghalibaf proved in 2017 that he is willing to battle Khamenei’s opponents when necessary and is useful in political maneuvering. He remains one of the few individuals close to Khamenei who still has the potential to attract certain individuals from other political factions.