Conscience Held Captive: The State of Religious Minorities in the Islamic Republic of Iran

Iranwire – The following report analyzes the situation of religious minorities in Iran over July-September 2024

Preamble

The Iranian authorities impose severe restrictions on access to information and contact with victims of its repressive measures. Many Iranian activists, including those advocating for human rights, freedom of expression, and access to information, face harsh prison sentences for their work. Additionally, lawyers and others are routinely surveilled and threatened with similar consequences, affecting themselves and their families. 

Context: A System of Religious Monopoly

Religious minorities in Iran face systematic barriers to equal human rights due to a state structure that is built and maintained to preserve a religious monopoly. The preamble of the constitution of the Islamic Republic declares that “Islamic principles and norms” are foundational for the “advancement” of “institutions of Iranian society.” Article 12 further enshrines Twelver Ja’fari Shiism as the official state religion, and ambiguous “Islamic criteria” or “Islamic principles” govern all facets of life, from political participation to criminal law. 

Religious minorities in Iran can be broadly divided into two main groups: those who enjoy official recognition and those who do not.

Officially Recognized Minorities and Conditional FreedomsChristians, Jews, and Zoroastrians enjoy limited freedoms in “rites and ceremonies,” “personal affairs,” and “religious education” “within the limits of the law” (Article 13). Some Sunni Muslim schools are also “accorded full respect” (Article 12). However, these rights come with significant restrictions. For instance, these groups are, in practice, further qualified (“Christians” include only heritage Assyrians and Armenians, and not converts from Islamic to Christianity). Exercising their limited rights is conditional upon compliance with state red lines.

Non-Recognized Minorities and Intensified Persecution

Minorities without official recognition, including Baha’is, Christian converts, Yarsans, atheists, and followers of new religious movements, face an even harsher reality. Members of these groups are at a high risk of arbitrary arrest and prosecution (often on trumped-up security charges). They also face asset appropriation, denial of education and employment opportunities, restriction on worship and religious observances, and, in some cases, even capital punishment on charges of apostasy.“Minority” status in Iran is not simply a matter of demographics but also the outcome of a long-standing process of marginalization. 

This report, covering developments in the human rights situation of religious minorities in Iran from July 1 through September 30, 2024, is based primarily on IranWire’s findings. The analysis relies on IranWire’s coverage of religious minorities in Iran, based on first-hand reports from members of these groups or by citizen journalists and verified by professional journalists, as well as secondary sources published by reliable human rights organizations.

Political DevelopmentsOn July 28, 2024, Masoud Pezeshkian, affiliated with Iran’s Reformist faction and of Azeri descent, assumed the presidency of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Pezeshkian’s background and statements, such as his June 22 speech, “We, the people of Iran – Kurds, Turks, Baluchs, and others – have a right to make decisions, participate, and choose,” initially sparked some hope for progress among minority groups. 

However, minority rights activists remain skeptical about the potential for real reform under his leadership, citing the structural impediments within Iran’s political system. Farahnaz Fathi, a Yarsan activist, said, “With the Guardian Council’s supervision over presidential candidates [i.e., the unelected body’s power to vet and reject candidates] and a constitution that does not recognize Yarsans, changing president is like swapping game pieces without altering the strategy. Even if Pezeshkian wanted change, he’d be eliminated.” 

Awat Pouri, a Kurdish Sunni activist, voiced caution: “After a certain point, the president no longer influences the political space. One way of putting it is that unless Supreme Leader Khamenei’s directives change, the big-picture conditions won’t shift.” 

Despite this, Pouri expressed hope that Pezeshkian might still improve the conditions of his fellow Sunnis through the appointment of Sunni governors and ministers. Yet, despite his campaign promises, Pezeshkian’s list of cabinet appointees ultimately excluded Sunnis. Pezeshkian’s cabinet selections were also criticized by influential Sunni Baluch cleric Mowlana Abdolhamdi Esmailzehi, who said, “Discrimination must be eradicated. No ethnic or religious should have priority over another. Sunnis, who form the largest population after Shias, should have equal rights by law.”

Judicial Repression 

Religious minorities frequently face judicial repression for peaceful activities. In a judicial system lacking institutional independence (especially in the Revolutionary Courts that try political and security cases), such defendants are often charged with vaguely defined security violations under the Islamic Penal Code. 

Cases Involving Baha’is

On July 3, Branch One of the Revolutionary Court in Babol tried defendants Niousha Badi’i Sabet and Suzan Eid Mohammadzadegan. They faced charges of “propaganda to the benefit of groups and organizations against the regime,” “propaganda against the regime,” and “forming a cell and group for purposes of disrupting national security.” These charges stemmed from classes taught by Sabet, a Baha’i psychologist focused on children and adolescent mental health, in Babol. Sabet used a book titled “The Language of Life,” translated by a Baha’i, to instruct non-Baha’i participants on preventing sexual harassment.

Two Baha’i women, Shiva Kashaninejhad and Mojhgan Samimi, were convicted of “educational activities and promotion of Baha’i-related affairs” by Branch Three of the Revolutionary Court in Rasht, presided over by Judge Mehdi Rasakhi. The verdict was communicated to their lawyers on August 17. They were sentenced to two years in prison with an additional year suspended. The court also fined them 80.1 million tomans and a five-year ban from social activities.

Due Process Failures 

Religious minorities in Iran continue to suffer from systemic due process failures that undermine their rights in legal proceedings.

Cases Involving Sunnis

By July 28, three Sunni Kurds held in Orumieh Prison – Hossein Khosravi, Soleimani Adhami, and Heywa Nouri – had been charged with the potential capital crime of “armed rebellion.” Arrested in late January, they were detained in a Ministry of Intelligence facility for three months, during which, according to Kurdistan Human Rights Network, they were tortured to extract forced confessions. They also face charges of membership in the Jamaat Ansar al-Sunna organization and “propaganda against the regime.” The case is set to be adjudicated by Branch One of the Revolutionary Court in Orumieh.  

On August 14, security forces arrested two Sunni Kurdish brothers, 22-year-old Ehsan Rasoulzadeh and 13-year-old Mardin Rasoulzadeh, in a raid on their family home in Mahabad. Two days later, they were taken to an undisclosed location and held incommunicado. Authorities have not responded to the family’s requests for information regarding the brothers’ status or whereabouts.

Cases Involving Baha’is

On the morning of July 29, five agents arrested Nahid Behrouzi, a Baha’i woman, off the street without presenting a warrant. The agents took Behrouzi to her husband’s residence in Karaj, where they searched the premises and confiscated religious materials, electronic devices, and financial documents. She was allowed a brief phone call to her family to confirm her arrest and well-being. However, she could not identify the arresting agents’ affiliation or her location. Behrouzi’s family did not hear from her again until 17 days later, when she was transferred to Kachuei Prison in Karaj. Authorities denied her bail twice, and after 50 days in detention, she was charged with “promoting the Bahai sect,” leaving her legal situation unresolved.

The Right to Life

Iran remains one of the world’s most active execution states, with one of the highest per capita death penalty rates. Religious minorities remain at disproportionate risk of capital punishment in the country. For instance, data from Iran Human Rights indicated that of the 834 executions conducted by the Islamic Republic in the year 2023 alone, 20% involved predominantly Sunni Baluchs, despite their ethnic group comprising only two to six percent of Iran’s population. In cases involving the death penalty, due process violations are even more concerning.

Cases Involving Sufis

Religious minorities may also fall victim to targeted killings by perpetrators with or without state affiliations. On the night of June 17, unidentified gunmen entered a Sufi lodge in a neighborhood in Saqqez and killed three people, including spiritual leader Azad Shahabi. Local law enforcement announced an investigation.

According to the UN Human Rights Committee’s General Comment 36 on Article 6 of the International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights, the government of Iran has a duty to “take special measures of protection towards persons in vulnerable situations whose lives have been placed at particular risk because of specific threats or pre-existing patterns of violence,” including “members of ethnic and religious minorities.” 

More broadly, vis a vis such killings, the government is obligated to “[establish] by law adequate institutions and procedures for preventing deprivation of life, [investigate] and [prosecute] potential cases of unlawful deprivation of life, [and mete] out punishment and [provide] full reparation.”

Cases of Yarsans

On August 6, 2024, Reza Rasa’i, a member of the Yarsan religious community who had been arrested in connection with the fall 2022 protests, was executed at Diezelabad Prison in Kermanshah. He had been convicted of being an accomplice in the murder of a local Revolutionary Guards Intelligence Division official. Branch Two of Criminal Court One in Kermanshah issued the verdict, which the Supreme Court upheld in a process marked by hastiness and due process violations. 

According to Rasa’i’s mother, her son’s 1,500-page file was reviewed and adjudicated within a week, based largely on the “judge’s knowledge,” a hazy and arbitrary criterion in Iranian jurisprudence. Rasa’i repeatedly denied the allegations, stating in court that his initial confessions were obtained under torture; these very confessions played a key role in his conviction. Authorities denied Rasai’s family a final visit and prevented them from burying him in a Yarsan cemetery, forcing them to use a burial site on the outskirts of Kermanshah. Security agents controlled the burial proceedings, allowing only close family members to attend.

Cases Involving Jews

As of September 27, Arvin Gharemani, a young Jewish man, faces a looming execution after Branch 29 of Iran’s Supreme Court rejected his request for a retrial, despite indications of procedural irregularities and the failure of authorities to facilitate the blood money negotiation process that could spare his life. Gharemani was convicted of murder related to a street brawl in which another man died. Potentially exculpatory details of the incident, such as his efforts to help the injured man get to the hospital, were not recorded in the court’s ruling. The head of Iran’s Jewish Association said his requests to meet with the victim’s family to negotiate a blood money settlement (which could stop Gharemani’s execution under Iran’s qesas laws) and the local Friday Prayer Imam were rejected.

Freedom of Assembly and Expression

In late July, Shiraz’s Ministry of Intelligence office summoned several Baha’is, warning them not to close their businesses during Baha’i holidays. This restriction limits their ability to observe religious practices freely. 

Economic and Social Rights

When it comes to social and economic rights, Iran’s legal framework, paired with a history in which Shia Islam has been privileged over other currents, has produced striking inequalities along religious lines, which often intersect with ethnic identity. The state may also act directly, through judicial or other means, to strip minority members of property and livelihood.

In mid-September, two Baha’is in Hamedan, Saman Khodayari and Korosh Bayati, faced the potential loss of inherited land in a legal case initiated by a Muslim relative. Iranian law prioritizes Muslims over unrecognized religious groups in inheritance cases, regardless of the degree of family relation, jeopardizing their rightful inheritance.

Religious Sites

Cases Involving Baha’is

In early July, authorities prevented the family of deceased Baha’i man Nasrollah Ehsani from burying him in Mazgan, his home village. Agents from the Qomsar municipal government raided his house and confiscated his body only hours after his passing while family members were securing a burial license. The family’s follow-up inquiries led to the Ministry of Intelligence, where agents informed them that they could not bury him in Mazgan and would need to use a site in Kashan. This incident reflects a broader trend, as authorities have repeatedly denied burial rights in preferred locations to Baha’is over the past two years.

On August 17, unidentified individuals vandalized a historic 110-year-old Baha’i cemetery in Ahvaz, Khuzestan, setting fires and cutting down mature trees. The vandalism occurred against the backdrop of authorities’ denial of burial rights to local Baha’is since 2016-2017, which has forced the community members to use alternative cemeteries. Such acts of desecration are often encouraged by inflammatory rhetoric from local state-affiliated Shia clerics, while vandals enjoy impunity. 

Right to Truth

On August 23, the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination released a report foregrounding the repression of ethnic and ethno-religious minority groups during state crackdowns on countrywide protests in November 2019 and fall 2022. The Committee urged the government of Iran to “immediately conduct impartial investigations into allegations of violations and abuses of human rights committed by state actors during these protests and to provide reparation for the victims.”